All Issues

272 article(s) found.
Tsung-Han Tsai, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
Chang-Chih Lin, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
The Measurement of Latent Variables and Its Effects: An Analysis of Taiwanese Attitudes on the Independence-Unification Issue in 2013 (in Chines) Download
* Downloads: 68
Show abstract
Full content
In this article, we focus on the measurement of Taiwanese attitudes on the independence-unification issue, and argue that, when analysts are not certain about how measurement errors influence the results of analysis, the best way is to take measurement errors into account in their analyses. Based on the methodology of generalized latent variable modeling, we treat Taiwanese attitudes on the independence-unification issue as unobserved, latent variables, which are measured by several manifest indicators, and evaluate the effect of these attitudes on party identification. Analyzing survey data from the Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) project conducted in 2013, we show that, first, Taiwanese attitudes on the independence-unification issue includes three types: principled supporters of independence, conditional supporters of independence, and conditional supporters of unification. Second, as shown in most of the studies on Taiwan politics, the stronger the voters prefer unification, the more likely they lean toward pan-blue parties, and vice versa.
Austin Horng-en Wang, Ph. D. Candidate, Department of Political Science, Duke University.
Duverger’s Law as Scale Effect: Evidence from Taiwan 2014 Village Chief Elections (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 69
Show abstract
Full content
Contrary to Duverger’s Law, most of the winners in Taiwan’s village and li Single-Member-District elections are independent. Why? Is partisanship not effective on attracting ballot in this election? This article emphasizes the amount of electorates in districts as the key moderating variable. When personal resource is not enough in exchange of winning because of the large number of electorates, party brand can be a cost-saving heuristic cue on attracting partisan voters; party brand has “scale effect” in district with more electorates. Due to the special colonial background followed by economic development, the size of village and li in Taiwan varies tremendously – some are small enough that every electorate knows each other, the others are so large that it is impossible for candidates to meet everyone. This special setting enables researchers to test the interaction between partisanship and number of electorates on voteshare, controlling for the level of government and electoral system. Being the first quantitative paper on Taiwan’s village and li elections, this article uses 2014 election results to reveal that (1) number of electorates negatively correlates to singlecandidate district and independent incumbent reelection. (2) Number of electorate positively correlates to larger proportion of candidates from two major parties. (3) DPP candidates received more votes when the number of electorates in district is larger, which is consistent with the scale effect assumption. However, the same effect does not appear on KMT candidates, which implies the meanings of the two major party brands are different.

Empirical results suggest that vote-seeking candidates choose campaign strategy conditioning on the number of electorates in district. Regression result also suggests that candidates benefit from middle age, male, and incumbency.
Yi-ching Hsiao, Associate Professor, Department of Public Administration, Tamkang University.
Political Polarization in Taiwan: An Analysis on Mass Feeling Thermometer toward Political Parties (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 94
Show abstract
Full content
Political conflicts between the pan-blue camp and the pan-green camp have been increasingly severe since the 1990’s. Whether Taiwanese politics has become more polarized hence is an important issue on research agenda. This study analyzes survey data collected after 1996-2012 presidential elections, exploring the degree of political polarization and the factors affecting political polarization in Taiwan. It is found that political polarization appeared in Taiwan since 2000 and then continuously increased until 2008. The polarization was the product of the clash of partisanship, instead of mass attitude of “U shaped distribution” on unificationindependence issues. Regarding the causes of political polarization, people’s partisanship and political involvement are main factors. People who have strong partisanship and high level of political involvement are more likely to become political polarized. In addition, the elder and the less educated people are also more possible to become polarized. As to the effect of election results on political polarization, longitudinal survey data are needed to do further analysis. In conclusion, the author suggests that efforts of political elites and the citizens to adjust their issue positions might not diminish political polarization. For a better solution, party elites and mass media in Taiwan should adopt rational communication instead of emotional mobilization.
Alex C. H. Chang, Assistant Research Fellow, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica.
Egoism or Altruism: Citizens’ Attitude toward Redistribution in the 2012 Presidential Election (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 41
Show abstract
Full content
Unlike conventional presidential elections in which ethnic identity, unification and independence, and economic development were the core issues of political competitions, in the 2012 presidential election, the issue of social justice and redistribution firstly was included in the candidates’ platforms. This article investigates the question of redistribution from the theoretical perspectives and political competition, and explains the variation in the voters’ opinions on this issue. By incorporating the TEDS 2012 data with structural equation modeling, we find that the theories of classical political economy, the supply theory of public goods, and party identity all provide explanations for this issue. In addition, we also find that although the cross-strait economic and trade exchange does not directly influence people’s opinions toward redistribution, nevertheless, it impacts their attitudes toward their future household income, and indirectly affects their standpoints on the redistributive issues.
Pei-ting Lin, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Center for General Education, Ming Chuan University; Adjunct Assistant
Professor, Department of Public Affairs, Fo Guang University.
Gender Difference? A Preliminary Study of the Typology of Utilization of Social Capital in Politics (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 48
Show abstract
Full content
Most of the studies indicate that one of the advantages for social capital is it can stimulate democratic development. At the individual level, one’s political interest, political knowledge and citizen skill can be brought up through participating in the communities. However, there is no consensus on whether women use their social capital in the same way as men. This study thus attempts to focus on the relationship between community participation and political engagement for the gendering social capital in Taiwan. With the empirical data analysis used in this study, we have two findings as the follows. First, regardless of the gender, people who involve in a community will engage more positively in civic and traditional political activities. Secondly, by classifying the observations according to the social status (high/low) and their main living area (public/private sphere), we found that people, except those who have high social status and live in the public sphere, will have the same pattern of spending social capital in political engagement when they possess the same social status and have the same main living area.

In other words, gender is not the main explanation of the difference in using social capital within the traditional political engagement.
Wen-jong Juang, Associate Professor, Department of Public Policy and Management, Shin Hsin University.
Mei-rong Lin, Assistant Professor, Department of International Business, Tamkang University.
An Index or a Scale? Measuring Political Knowledge in TEDS (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 28
Show abstract
Full content
Citizens’ political knowledge has always been believed as an important dimension of the quality of democracy. A citizenry that possesses basic knowledge of political affairs is helpful for the development of democracy. Although many political scientists have theoretically explored the origins and determinants of political knowledge, as well as empirically developed a number of measurement techniques to gauge the level of citizens’ political knowledge and in turn analyze its relationship with other concepts, at present the evidence for the effectiveness of these techniques is still lacking. That is, from a methodological perspective, discussion about the reliability and validity of political knowledge measures is rare, let alone an analysis of whether the degree of difficulty of questionnaire items that were created by using a composite measurement method is sufficient in distinguishing citizens with different levels of political knowledge. In fact, whether in the end these composite measurement items should be considered as an index or a scale currently draws little scholarly interest. The study’s objective is to examine the validity of political knowledge items found in the 2012 TEDS, and to verify whether or not the questions, in addition of possessing the form of an index, also fit the special structure of a Guttman scale.

The study has obtained the following research findings. First, TEDS has seven questions that cover different aspects of political knowledge, but there seems to be too many measures focusing on political figures. Second, level of political knowledge is found to have a statistically significant and consistent relationship with individual background variables which founded in past research, thus indicating that the measurement validity is satisfactory. Third, although the seven questions’ degrees of difficulty are within the range (between 0.1 and 0.9) set by convention, there remains room for improvement in the difficulty levels between questions. Fourth, the survey questionnaire items measuring political knowledge fit the logical structure of a Guttman scale, and are cumulative in nature. Last, from standpoint of scale construction, items measuring political knowledge can be simplified further, although future surveys may also consider designing – and incorporating – questions of appropriate difficulty level that are related to the role of government, policy accomplishments, or political environment, thereby increasing the item discrimination power of the political knowledge scale.
Cheng-hao Pao, Associate Professor, Department of Global Political Economy at Tamkang University.
Ying-lung Chou, Assistant Professor, Department of Global Political Economy at Tamkang University (corresponding
Using Telephone Survey Sample Data as a Feasible Resolution to the Difficulty of Indigenous Survey (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 24
Show abstract
Full content
There is a lack of indigenous object research inside the nation, and the research is usually attached to national sample as one of the small sample analysis. The main reason is that with only about 2% of the country’s total population, indigenous population is rather few in Taiwan. Besides, uneven geographic distribution and the factor that a considerable number of workplace/residence and domicile difference due to livelihood are other reasons which cause difficulty to traditional method of investigation. Both face-to-face interview or telephone interview have handicap on sampling.However, public opinion polls had become more universal in recent years. Academic and private investigation agency all has accumulated a large number of successful phone survey samples, which contained numerous Han samples and certain proportion of indigenous samples. If there is a possibility to get these samples which were “not originally using indigenous population as statistic population, but contain successful indigenous samples,” and apply data mining technology to dig the “valuable mineral” out from a large amount of “useless” information, then it will be probable to directly filter out the indigenous samples that were needed, and solve the problems mentioned above in the context of saving cost.

In this view, the research team and Taiwan Real Survey Co. had cooperated and merged the successful indigenous population phone interview samples, which are from national samplings that were executed by the company since 2007 so far (March 2013), as indigenous telephone database. Preliminary research result shows, by using telephone interview sample database that was consolidated by data mining and double sampling, the characteristics of successful samples which got from the telephone interview are similar to the indigenous statistic population in the official population statistics. Other than that, including multi-year indigenous population phone data could enhance the collection range of the indigenous telephone database, and reduces the cost of sample acquisition.
Chih-cheng Meng, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and Graduate Institute of Political Economy,
National Cheng Kung University.
The Issue Effect of the "92 Consensus" on 2012 Taiwan Presidential Election: An Application and Empirical Assessment of Propensity Score Matching (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 55
Show abstract
Full content
News and many public comments indicate that the “92 consensus” was the crucial issue to affect the result of Taiwan 2012 presidential election. This paper aims to study the effect of the 92 consensus on voters’ choices in 2012. This paper reviews the core assumptions, boundary of application and analytical methods of the “issue voting” theory. Moreover, it focus on studying the impacts of the 92 consensus that are presumed to be endogenously correlated with party identification. Based on the approach of “studying the effects of a cause”, as well as using the “2012 Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study” dataset (TEDS2012-T and TEDS2012), this paper applies “propensity score matching” (PSM) method to investigate the issue effect of the “92 consensus” on voting choices during 2012 election.

The results from the data analysis demonstrate that positions supportive of the “92 consensus” account for about twenty percent of supporting rates to pro-Ma voters in the period of the electoral campaign; meanwhile, positions oppositional to the “92 consensus” would contribute about thirteen percent of supporting rates for pro-Tsai voters. After the election the influential probability of the “92 consensus” was dramatically downsized to ten percent of supporting rates to pro-Ma voters; however, the percentage for pro-Tsai voters was slightly reduced to twelve percent. These findings provide more valid and credible estimates toward the influential probability of the “92 consensus” issue during the 2012 elections. Moreover, the statistical findings over various time-points also verify the successful transformation of the “92 consensus” to be identified as a salient issue across pro-Ma and pro-Tsai voters. It indeed achieved substantial influences toward the processes and result of 2012 presidential election.
Cheng-shih Lin, Associate Professor, Department of Business Administration, National Quemoy University.
Hsuan-yi Chou, Assistant Professor, Institute of Communications Management, National Sun Yat-sen University.
The Political-Communication Effects of Televised Presidential Debates on First-Time Voters: The Example of 2012 Taiwan President Election (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 94
Show abstract
Full content
This paper aims to explore the political-communication effects of televised debates on voters in election contexts. In Taiwan, televised debates are still an emerging political-communication tool and an underresearched topic. The major research question in this paper is does televised debates increases voters' turnout intentions and other forms of political participations. Additionally, compared with previous studies which only focused on the impact of the use of different media on election participations, the current papers further discuss the audience's effectiveness evaluations on televised debates and identification with the medium through which the debates are held. Specifically, this paper focuses on first-time voters and conducts an experiment to compare the political-communication effects between voters who watched televised debates of the 2012 presidential election and voters who did not. Results show that watching televised debates can increase voters' issue-related election knowledge. Furthermore, there is a higher possibility for voters who watched televised debates to change their voting target. For medium-evaluation effects, voters who watched debates generate more favorable impact on medium-effectiveness evaluations and medium identification. Finally, voters' long-term political interests, political participation, medium dependence, and TV usage habits moderate the political-communication effects of televised debates. The research findings affirm the positive role of televised debates in political elections and provide related theoretical and practical implications.
Shiow-duan Hawang, Professor, Department of Political Science, Soochow University.
Yuan-ming Hsu, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Soochow University.
Chiung-chu Lin, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Soochow University.
The Measurement of Political Knowledge (in Chinese) Download
* Downloads: 42
Show abstract
Full content
This paper aims to examine the measurement of political knowledge and its consequences via different formats of question designs. Would using different formats of questions, elicit different response behaviours from the respondents? We argue that different types of questions affect the reliability and validity of the concept. The data used in this paper was collected by the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) which was designed to study electoral behaviour in the 2012 presidential and legislative election. Another data was collected by an experimental design survey carried out on students of Soochow University. Based on the preliminary analysis from the TEDS data, open-ended formats of political knowledge exert more influence in explaining electoral participation than closed-ended. The results from the experimental design survey further shows that closed-ended questions provide the respondents with opportunity to "guess" the answers, thus respondents turn out to have a higher score of political knowledge. This shows that different formats of questions truly affect the validity and reliability of the concept of political knowledge. This issue also plays a role in showing how political knowledge serves as an independent variable in explaining political attitudes and behaviour. Whether a higher score is due to the respondents' "true" knowledge or the chance to guess, however, needs further data to explore in the near future.