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6 article(s) found.
Chih-sung Teng, Associate Professor, Graduate Institute of National Development, National Taiwan University.
Chia-feng Huang, Doctoral Student, Department of Politics, University of California, Riverside.
Chin-en Wu, Associate Research Fellow, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica.
Environmental Protest and Green Party Vote Share: An Investigation of Party List Vote in the 2012 Legislative Election (in Chinese) Download
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We investigate the relationship between environmental protests and parties’ vote shares. Whether environmental protest contributes to the vote share of the Green party? As Green party emphasizes environment protection, people who suffer from environmental pollution is more likely to endorse Green Party. If not, what are the factors behind the situation? We collect and categorize environmental protest data between 1987 and 2009. Applying GIS and spatial analysis, we collapse protest events by township and issue types. Combining legislative election results, we analyze the influence of environmental protests on the vote shares of parties. The empirical result shows that anti-industrial pollution protests exert the most significant effect on party vote share but the influence varies across parties.

First, anti-industrial pollution protest is not significantly associated with the vote share of Green Party. The larger the number of anti-industrial pollution protest in a township, the higher the DPP’s vote share and the lower the KMT’s vote share. For the other types of environmental protests, we do not find comparable effect of protests on vote sharing. In this article we also find that it is socio-economic status of a township rather than the intensity of environmental protest that affect the electoral performance of Green party. Finally, the empirical model also demonstrates the significance of neighborhood effect on parties’ vote shares.
Yi-ching Hsiao, Associate Professor, Department of Public Administration, Tamkang University.
Political Polarization in Taiwan: An Analysis on Mass Feeling Thermometer toward Political Parties (in Chinese) Download
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Political conflicts between the pan-blue camp and the pan-green camp have been increasingly severe since the 1990’s. Whether Taiwanese politics has become more polarized hence is an important issue on research agenda. This study analyzes survey data collected after 1996-2012 presidential elections, exploring the degree of political polarization and the factors affecting political polarization in Taiwan. It is found that political polarization appeared in Taiwan since 2000 and then continuously increased until 2008. The polarization was the product of the clash of partisanship, instead of mass attitude of “U shaped distribution” on unificationindependence issues. Regarding the causes of political polarization, people’s partisanship and political involvement are main factors. People who have strong partisanship and high level of political involvement are more likely to become political polarized. In addition, the elder and the less educated people are also more possible to become polarized. As to the effect of election results on political polarization, longitudinal survey data are needed to do further analysis. In conclusion, the author suggests that efforts of political elites and the citizens to adjust their issue positions might not diminish political polarization. For a better solution, party elites and mass media in Taiwan should adopt rational communication instead of emotional mobilization.
Chi Huang, Chair Professor, Department of Political Science and Senior Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University.
Chang-chih Lin, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
Hung-chung Wang, Post-doctoral Researcher, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University.
Analysis of Straight- and Split-Ticket Voting in Three-in-One Election: The Case of 2010 Kaohsiung Metropolitan Elections (in Chinese) Download
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Three-in-one election held on November 27th 2010 is the first five metropolitan elections in the history of Taiwan's local elections. Voters in this election could cast three ballots for different political positions: mayor, city councilor, and head of li. This study focuses on the Kaohsiung city and analyzes voters' straight- and split-ticket voting in the 2010 three-in-one election.In general, the character of electoral competition is shaped by electoral systems and the level of election. Single-member district with plurality system is considered to contribute to a competition between two major parties, whereas minor parties are more likely to survive under the SNTVMMD system. In the 2010 Kaohsiung mayoral election, then DPP incumbent Kaohsiung County Magistrate Chiu-hsing Yang ran for mayoral election as an independent candidate and replaced the KMT candidate, Chao-shun Huang, as the major competitor of incumbent mayor, Chu Chen. Our study finds that indeed some pan-blue partisans voted for Yang strategically in the mayoral election. This finding to an extent confirms the rumor of ”dump Huang and save Yang” before the election.Meanwhile, most of those pan-blue partisans who voted Yang for mayor remained to support pan-blue candidates in the city councilor election, showing a split-ticket voting pattern. In contrast, pan-green partisans demonstrated a high degree of loyalty to the DPP mayoral candidate, Chu Chen, and the pan-green candidates in the city councilor elections.As for the lowest-level election of head of li, our study shows that there is no significant relationship between vote choice of head of li and that of mayor and city councilor. This finding indicates that the character of the election of head of li is quite different from that of mayor and councilor election.
Shing-yuan Sheng, Professor, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
Yih-yan Chen, Professor, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
Political Cleavage and Party Competition: An Analysis of the 2001 Legislative Yuan Election (in Chinese) Download
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The major purpose of this article is to search for the political cleavages which shaping the party competition in Taiwan in the 2001 legislative Yuan election. We establish four criteria for an issue to be political cleavage.

First, most people perceive the issue and are able to put themselves and the major parties on the continuum based on the issue.

Second, most people perceive that major parties take different positions on the issue. If most parties take the same position on the issue, the issue cannot be a salient political cleavage.

Third, most people take the position on the issue according to their social characteristics. In other words, most people consider the situations of themselves and their groups so as to take particular positions, rather than take positions randomly.

Fourth, most people identify a party or vote for a party according to the positions the party takes on the issues.

The research findings show that the ethnic differences, national identity and authoritarian /democratic values are the most important political cleavages, and have considerable impacts on party competition. The reformation/stability issue has some impacts, and is the second most important political cleavage. However, the social welfare issue and environmental protection/economic development issue are still not so salient in Taiwan.
Parties’ Vote-Equalizing Strategies and Their Impacts under a SNTV Electoral System: A Study on Taiwan’s Legislative Elections from 1983 to 1995 (in Chinese)
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This paper examines the major parties’ vote-equalizing strategies and the impacts of these strategies on candidates’ vote-distribution under a SNTV electoral system. From this perspective, this study tries to observe party competition and party politics in Taiwan since the 1980s. Based on a study on legislative elections from 1983 to 1995, this paper shows some research findings. First, the KMT uses the local factions and “responsibility zone system” to mobilize and allocate potential votes to her candidates. Therefore, the vote-distribution of the KMT candidates tends to be concentrated on some parts of the electoral district. On the other hand, the DPP and NP cannot be helped by the local organizations so that the vote shares of their candidates tend to be scattered across the district. Secondly, from a longitudinal perspective, the vote shares of the KMT candidates are getting scattered. This tendency has become evident since the end of the 1980s, when the opposition parties were gradually organized and institutionalized. Thirdly, the influence of the local factions has gradually become weak because of the development of social economy and the emergence of the opposition parties. All of these tendencies show that the KMT’s campaign system which depends on vote allocation, local factions and grass-root organizations has become shaky.
Electoral Cleavages and the Post-1997 Hong Kong’s Political Dynamics (in Chinese)
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The introduction of popular elections is one of the most important political reforms carried out in Hong Kong since the 1980s. It has not only politicized the whole society and heightened the aspiration of political participation, but also has the effect of power redistribution and thus paved the way for a new political order there. As a result, the study of the emerging electoral and party markets are timely and commendable. This paper, therefore, aims to provide a cleavage approach for analyzing the electoral market of Hong Kong and for discussing the political dynamics of the post-1997 Hong Kong.