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20 article(s) found.
Ph. D. student, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University; Master, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
Combining List Experiment and Internet Survey: Analysis of Taiwanese People’s Attitudes toward Acceptance of Homosexual Legislators
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Homosexual rights and recognition of same-sex marriage involve important national policies and have received great attention from various fields. Due to the sensitivity of homosexual issues, previous studies have adopted qualitative approaches to addressing homosexual issues. Survey methods and polls open the door for these kinds of sensitive issues. Yet, facing the pressure of social norms, interviewees may hide their true opinions on homosexual issues, which leads to the accuracy problem of polling. Thus, we combined list experiment and internet survey and tried to figure out the acceptance of homosexuality in Taiwan. The data showed that the acceptance of homosexuality among Taiwanese is more than 70%. By comparing the percentages of acceptance in direct and indirect questions, we found that most of answers given by the respondents are independent and undistorted under social pressure. Also, personality, religious factors and party identification still play important roles on the acceptance of homosexuality in Taiwan.
Postdoctoral Fellow, Center Survey Research, Research Center for Humanities and Social Sciences, Academia Sinica.
Allocation of Dual-Frame Telephone Survey for Given Cost Download
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With the increase of cell phone usage in recent years, traditional landline surveys face a problem of incomplete coverage. It is now necessary to conduct dual-frame telephone surveys that includes cell phone samples and landline samples. Designing a dual-frame telephone survey requires a decision on the sample allocation. The allocation of the sample to the dual-frame associates with the unequal weighting effect and the survey cost. Therefore, this study aimed to illustrate an optimal allocation of respondents from landline and cellphone frames that result in the lowest unequal weight effect (i.e., the highest effective sample size) for a given cost by using the relative unit cost of obtaining a cell respondent compared to a landline respondent from a comparison study of survey cost, and an unequal weighting effect from “Public Value and Electronic Governance.” The results suggested that the optimal design will have 64.18% of the sample completes from the landline frame, and 35.82% of the sample completes from the cellphone frame in a cell-phone-only screened design. Additionally, this paper shows that the sample sizes of cell phone only could be a function of unequal weight effect and survey cost. Thus, the organizer of the cell-phone-only screened design could substitute parameters into the function depending on different situations.
Assistant Professor, Department of International Business, Tamkang University;Professor, Department of Public Policy and Management, Shin Hsin University.
Effects of Survey Questionnaire Design: A Random Experiment in Measuring Political Knowledge as an Example (in Chinese) Download
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A survey is designed to explore the participants’ opinions, attitudes and actions towards certain topics. The amount of information possessed by participants is not the only factor that influences their willingness to participate; question types and options design also influence participants’ responses. In reality, given cost constraints and questionnaire length, it is not feasible to provide a multiple survey design for a single concept, or to verify participants' response mode under different survey designs. This study used an experimental design to measure political knowledge from Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) as an example, based on (1) an “open-ended vs. close-ended” question design; (2) whether it provides “non-response” as an option, to design four different types of surveys. The study uses a posttest-only control group design with university students as participants. We randomly released the questionnaires to participants and had 1,110 valid questionnaires.
The study found that question type and non-response design affects the participant response mode; a close-ended questionnaire design does increase the correct response ratio from participants, but it also produces a higher proportion of incorrect answers than an open-ended questionnaire. An openended
questionnaire design does not have options as reference, and so it could lower the willingness of participants to take part in the survey, and it therefore resulted in a higher non-response ratio. From the composite design of question type and non-response option, we were able to precisely estimate types of participants as in Mondak (1999), but the combinations of different types of participants vary significantly as results from the level of difficulties in a questionnaire designed to measure political knowledge.
Teng-wen Chang,Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Public Administration, National Chengchi University.
Tong-yi Huang,Professor, Department of Public Administration, National Chengchi University.
Yung-tai Hung,Retired Professor, Department of Political Science, National Taiwan University.
Post-Strati.ed Estimation Procedures for the Dual Frame Telephone Survey in Taiwan: The Case of the 2016 Presidential Election Download
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The advancement of information and communication technologies has greatly changed the lifestyle of people while using landline surveys in soliciting precise public opinion is becoming limited. As people use a variety of devices such as cellphones, internet phones and APPs in daily communication, problems of insufficient population coverage arise from relying only on landline phones to reach respondents. Therefore, a daunting task in the telephone polling industry is to ensure sample representation for obtaining precise population parameters. To achieve such an objective, a common practice by pollsters in Taiwan is to use household data as weighting statistics. Many cases, however, have shown this practice to be inappropriate.
To solve the above-mentioned problem, this study proposes an estimation method based on a dual frame survey that combines landline phones and cellphones. We further use data from the 2016 presidential election to compare different estimations based on a dual frame survey. Our results demonstrate that a “landline survey supplemented by cellphone-only” is the best combination, considering sample coverage and estimation error. The second-best alternatives are “cellphone survey supplemented by landline-only” and “use both landline and cellphone.” In other words, “the most economical and efficient” strategy of a dual frame survey is to conduct a traditional landline survey and incorporating cellphone-only respondents. The data collected in such combination not only reflect the characteristics of the population, but also cost much less than other strategies.
Ching-hsin Yu, Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University.
First and Nascent Experience: Citizen's Perception, Participation, and Evaluation of the New Legislative Electoral System in Taiwan (in Chinese) Download
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Taiwan has adopted a new mixed member system which carries significant differences from the long-implemented SNTV-MMD system for the election of legislators in 2008. Mainstream literature continues to discuss the electoral impacts on political parties and candidates by the new system while citizen's knowledge of the new system and its concomitant effects on citizen's behavior are less concerned. The purpose of this essay is to explore citizen's perceptions, participations and evaluations of this new system. Based on a 30-day rolling poll data, it firstly examines the distribution and change of citizen's knowledge of the new electoral system. It finds that citizen's knowledge of the new electoral system is not high. Also, citizen's knowledge is increased as election approaches when more campaign information is provided. It is followed by a discussion that citizen's age, education, media exposure, political interests, and party identification are closely associated with citizen's increase of knowledge. Then, by way of analyzing post election panel survey data, this essay makes clear that an increase of citizen's knowledge also contributes to citizen's intention to vote in election. However, citizen maintains a mixed assessment of the new electoral system that, compared with the SNTV-MMD system, the new electoral system is good for recruiting better candidates and the development of democracy but fears for causing social tensions. It also finds citizen's party identification plays a significant role in the assessment while citizen's knowledge of new system does not. In the discussion and conclusion section, it suggests a cautious perspective that citizen in Taiwan has only one experience of the new system. It is reasonable to argue that citizen's knowledge may increase as more elections are implemented under the new system. Meanwhile, based on the New Zealand experience and findings of this essay, more information of the new system, either from the government, mass media, or political parties, will contribute to citizen's knowledge of new system.
Yi-ching Shiao, Ph. D. student, Department of Political Science, National Chengchi University.
Analysis of Test-Retest Reliability in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (in Chinese) Download
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The major purpose of this article is to analyze the test-retest reliability in the series of Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (2001, 2003 and 2004P), and explore what factors influencing the questionnaire reliability. This research finds that TEDS has consistent questionnaire reliability although the degree of reliability varies with subjects. The ”voting intention” has the highest reliability, followed by ”party identification”. Attitude for the ”position of independence/unification” is the third, ahead of the ”Taiwanese/Chinese identity” and the ”presidential candidate image”. Attitudes about democratic evaluation, including the ”degree of satisfiaction about the practice of democracy in Taiwan” and ”comparing the DPP vs. KMT government” and ”democratic governing” are the least reliable measurements. It is also found that there is no significant difference in reliability regarding the same subject across different datasets of TEDS.

The respondent's education is the important factor of questionnaire reliability. The high-educated respondent has more consistent response for the same question in different interview than others. Besides, female respondents has more stable political attitude than male in TEDS 2001 and TEDS 2004P. The shorter the period between the first interview to the second one, the more stable attitude respondents show, especially in TEDS 2001 and TEDS 2003. Last, no matter who the interviewer is, test-retest reliability is the same. In other words, the TEDS interviewers obey ”standard interview principle” during the surveys.
Su-feng Cheng, Assistant Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University.
Survey Participation in Taiwan: Evidence from the ESC Surveys (in English) Download
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The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the outcomes of surveys throughout the past decade, as well as to evaluate the survey process. The results of this evaluation will be helpful for developing better research designs and methods in order to continue advancement in the field of survey implementation.

The outcome rate in ESC surveys indicates that people in Taiwan are reluctant to comply with interview requests and tend to decline to be interviewed- response rates remained below the 40% mark for the entire decade. Increasing the contact rate did not result in more cooperation from respondents, as the response rate actually fell over the same time period. In addition, refusal rates increased significantly. Also notable is that among the six categories of reasons for failure, the proportion of refusals has increased, while other failures have decreased as a consequence of ESC's efforts to improve fieldwork methods. The data also indicate that males, young people (under the age of 40), and people with lower levels of education (without senior high school degree) were under-counted in almost every ESC survey.

Results of a short questionnaire administered to respondents in the refusal samples of the 2000 ISVB survey show that it is possible that some people were still afraid to express their political beliefs in Taiwan. The results also indicate that participants and non-participants differed in age, education, ethnicity, party preference and unification- independence stance.
Ying-Lung Chou, Ph. D. Student in the Department of political Science, National Chengchi University.
Shing-Yuan Sheng, Professor, Department of political Science, National Chengchi University.
Selection Bias Models on Election Prediction (in Chinese) Download
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When predicting elections, researchers always face the difficulty that some respondents do not answer the question of vote choice. However, including only those who give a clear answer on vote choice, researchers might have the problem of selection bias. This article tries to assess the effects of selection bias on vote choice model, correct the wrong estimates resulting from the bias, and predict elections accurately. In this article, we apply a bivariate selection bias model-- developed by Dubin and Rivers-- to five different elections. The research findings show that if researchers include only those respondents who give a clear answer on vote choice question, they might take a risk of overestimating the effects of independent variables on vote choice. This is because respondents who give a clear answer on the question of vote choice may also have definite and strong political preferences, and they are quite different from those who do not give a clear answer. After correcting the estimating errors resulting from selection bias, we might predict election outcome accurately. The largest predicting error in four elections is 1.16%. It is less than sampling error. The model cannot do a better job in only one election. Fortunately, it does not do a worse job, either. The overall result shows that the selection bias model is a reliable tool in predicting elections.
Wen-chun Chen, Professor and Director, Institute of Political Science, National Sun Yat-sen University.
Chi-cheng Huang, Ph.D. graduate student, Institute of Political Science, National Sun Yat-sen University.
The Effectiveness of Vote-Equalizing Strategies - A Case Study on Vote-Equalizing Strategies Used by the DPP in the Fifth Legisiative Election in the North District of Kaohsiung City (in Chinese) Download
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In the Fifth Legislative Election in 2001, the Democratic Progressive Party ( DPP) employed the vote-equalizing strategies in the Northern District of Kaohsiung. In the past, the DPP had used similar strategies only in Taipei, therefore whether this attempt in Kaohsiung would be successful was closely observed.

This study, based on the aggregate data analysis, shows that from the perspective of candidates seeking to renew their office, the effectiveness of vote-equalizing strategies was not significant. From the perspec­tive of election districts, the use of vote-eualizing strategy proved more important in some districts, but less effective in other districts. The key factor, as the survey data analysis shows, that the DPP was able to win all three seats lies in the strong sense of party identification and sufficient campaign information. Lastly, the fact that both the KMT and the PFP had nominated too many candidates, caused the third DPP candidate Chu Shing-yu, to be elected.
Yung-tai Hung, Professor, Department of Political Science, National Taiwan University.
The Nonresponse Problems of the 2001 TEDS Survey (in Chinese) Download
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The study looks into the nonresponse problems of the 2001 TEDS survey, particularly in factors related to the failure of data collection and the effect of substitutes. Data analyses include the demographic characteristics of the sample originally selected, nonresponse statistics during different waves of interview attempts, the effect of substitutes, the follow-up interviews, and the differences of survey results from those samples. The results indicate that the main difference between complete interviews and those of unit-nonresponses lay on respondents’age and their related characteristics. There is no significant difference between these two groups on political attitudes. The most frequent cause for unit-nonresponse is failure to locate the selected respondent after reaching their dwelling houses, especially for those of younger respondents. Refusals are not correlated with respondents’ gender or age, but do correlate with areas and respondents’ life style. Substitutes are similar to those of complete interviews, hence fail to fulfill their original goals, i.e., replacing those hard to reach or those sampled respondents with high risk of nonresponse. The study suggests that for the future survey it is better to inflate sample size at the beginning, and try hard on follow-up interviews. Using substitutes will not correct the bias caused by unit-nonresponses.